Hot property
This is an article I wrote for the first edition of Farrago in 2009. I found it when I was digging for a writing sample to attach to a job application, and thought I’d republish. I’m busy over the next week, too, so this is my way of writing without actually having to write.
In the interests of disclosure, I’m including a footnote that was in my submission but not in the published article. It was clipped in the editing process, but I think it’s okay.
In the thick of second semester last year and well into the quiet campus summer, a group of loosely affiliated students calling themselves the Student Housing Action Collective (SHAC) illegally occupied four University-owned terrace houses in Faraday Street that had sat vacant since 2005. The collective claimed to be addressing the need for affordable student housing and alleviating the pressure on those who struggle to attain it.
The 20 students converted the houses into a ‘co-op’: the proposal being that students in need could come to SHAC and potentially secure accommodation by sharing in the everyday decision-making and maintenance of the property. SHAC members squatted in the buildings for months, publicly stating that its occupants were “homeless” and had “nowhere else to go”. SHAC declined requests made by the University to vacate the properties; with SHAC member James Field arguing that the University has a “moral responsibility to assist homeless students”.
The co-operative housing model that SHAC proposes is an interesting one, and it’s a shame that the submissions the collective made to the University Council—submitted in August and October of 2008—were not more widely publicised. It’s plain that much effort was put into their compilation. Co-operative housing is not suited to all tastes, but at a time when rental vacancies are scarce, it is one of a myriad of options to potentially decrease reliance on a tenuous private market.
SHAC insisted that the Faraday Street terraces were ideal for the implementation of their co-operative. The University condemned SHAC’s actions and demanded that the students evacuate university property. In December, a process of negotiation began, and the University made a pilot offer to the collective.
The pilot proposed that the University be the guarantor, and pay the bond on several properties in the private rental market for one year, for 20 students. Students would be required to pay $90 a week in rent, pay utilities and bills and maintain the properties. In a letter to SHAC dated December 3rd, 2008, Vice-Principal of Property and Campus Services, Chris White, states that these properties will be “in suitable proximity to the University” and SHAC “then manages the properties in accordance with their proposed guidelines [of co-operative housing]”.
The rent for such properties would be partly subsidized by the University, as $90 a week in rent for properties of that capacity and location would be inadequate. Manager of Housing Services Adrian Burrage states that the University would have subsidised the project to the tune of approximately $40,000. An offer of interim emergency accommodation was also made to any students had nowhere to live once the SHAC house was cleared.
All offers were provisional on SHAC members evacuating the Faraday Street properties on dates set by the University.
Letters bounced back and forth between SHAC and the University in early December, with SHAC lobbying for alterations to the offer¹. SHAC member James Field says that the University’s offer was “an ultimatum” and another member, Liz Patterson, says the University displayed “a continual unwillingness to give us [SHAC] information” and “called off negotiations”. SHAC eventually rejected the offer of a pilot co-op.
SHAC’s reasons for refusing the offer were varied: the University gave no guarantee that the project would persist beyond 2009; the University would not commit to increasing the number of students housed by the program over the next three years; and that the pilot should not use properties on the private rental market.
SHAC stated that the funds for the SHAC pilot would be diverted from existing programs that run through Housing Services (Housing Grants). In a letter from the University to SHAC dated 9 December, 2008, it is stated that “the University will subsidise the rent of property acquired by using the existing Housing Grant fund and other resources as required”. The details on this remain sketchy. An email response from Adrian Burrage on the 23rd of January this year reads that “the Office of the Provost had agreed to provide new budget for covering the cost of the interim (temporary) accommodation and the additional costs of subsidizing the rent of properties acquired for the pilot program”. Burrage goes on to state that taking the money from the existing Housing Grant “was never entertained”.
SHAC was correct—and Burrage admits—that the University’s proposal was not a viable long-term option. Such a model could not provide for all students experiencing housing stress, and could conceivably siphon funds from programs that aid a greater number of students.
James Field says that “the University’s offer…kept the social model of a co operative…but without the underlying commitment to setting up an actual co-operative in which the residents of the co-operative are involved in the decision-making for the properties”. Several SHAC members agreed that the University would be well-advised to proceed with the offered proposal without the involvement of SHAC, which suggests that the offer was not “bogus” as SHAC wrote on their blog. Although there were no guarantees for the project’s existence beyond 2009, all pilot projects that require funding require testing (hence a pilot program), thus the latent reasoning behind SHAC’s refusal seemed to be that the offer didn’t accord with the exact co-op model that SHAC sought.
Undoubtedly, the University’s offer stemmed from the desire to remove students from the properties: SHAC remained in the buildings long past the point of request for eviction. The City of Melbourne was demanding the properties be emptied and the University confirmed plans for their development. These plans, as cited by Acting Vice-Chancellor and Provost, Peter McPhee, may now proceed with greater haste.
The University would not set a precedent by appearing to cave into a group of students who had illegally occupied university property. Faults in the pilot proposal aside, SHAC’s refusal has left its members—perhaps both literally and figuratively—out in the cold.
Statistics detailing the state of the inner-city private rental market were quoted throughout SHAC’s campaign, and while they are concerning statistics, it was not faithfully examined whether the University should be the first port of call to mitigate this crisis.
If the controversy surrounding SHAC can be whittled down to a central issue, it is this: is it the responsibility of a university to provide housing for its students?
In a blurb from the Facebook group, I ? the Student Housing Action Collective (SHAC) [administered by SHAC members] it is stated that “…we need to address the supply side of the housing problem. The best thing the university could do in this respect would be to invest in affordable housing for students.”
Universities have an interest in student welfare, and the inclusion of counselling and housing services alongside the numerous curricula attests to that role—but universities are educational and research institutions, not social welfare institutions.
Contrary to SHAC’s claims, universities aren’t surfing a tide of cash and it’s naïve to imply that there are boundless coffers with which to subsidise housing for the student body. It’s reasonable to expect certain level of student welfare from a university—to inject time and resources into Housing Services and Financial Aid; to invest in emergency accommodation for students whose housing situation unavoidably collapses; and perhaps for the University wield its influence to lobby government in addressing broader student welfare issues.
These moves would not attack the supply-side issue of housing, but are a more financially viable way to assist larger numbers of students without unsustainable expenditure. For, surely, if tens of thousands of dollars are spent on students, it should not be on small-scale projects that can only assist a handful of students at any one time.
SHAC’s continued emphasis on creating co-op headquarters in the terrace houses belied the real issues—it was never about veggie patches. SHAC were squatters on the cusp of eviction. Direct political action has its place, but considering that SHAC knew their days were numbered, what did the collective have to gain from remaining in the terrace houses?
The disuse of the Faraday Street buildings is unfortunate, but those buildings are owned by the University and the University has the legal right to govern that property howsoever they choose. If a person has a spare couch sitting in their garage that hasn’t been sat on for several months, it’s a waste, but the couch is no less theirs for lack of use.
SHAC’s perceived sense of entitlement to inhabit properties that weren’t legally theirs didn’t aid their campaign, despite claims that they spoke on behalf of the student cohort. For instance, an anonymous comment on SHAC’s blog reads, ‘In an environment in which teaching and learning outcomes (the very role of a University) are under threat due to lack of funds, it is rather perplexing to see a group of young people who insist that the University owes them cheap, inner city housing.’
SHAC received their share of support, but there were many students who were angered by the collective’s incessant demands and the public face they presented from the terrace balconies. One can’t help but wonder how many hours of their week the SHAC members spent on their campaign that weren’t spent working or looking for available housing; or, indeed, how many of those students were in so desolate a condition as to warrant being called ‘homeless’. Adrian Burrage says that ‘…a strategic mistake…was that in some media they [SHAC] are seen to be saying that they were all being forced out on the street and they were all homeless…when I think most people recognise that wouldn’t be true for all of those students’.
SHAC accomplished some good work. They, at times, worked with the University to present their co-operative model and their early media coverage briefly illuminated the multifaceted strains on students to balance the scales on increasingly tighter budgets. Ultimately, though, the collective became too centred on “embarrassing the University”, as SHAC member Liz Patterson phrased it.
The media coverage on SHAC, particularly in the latter stages of their occupation, was focused on the legal skirmish between the collective and the University. Peter McPhee states that “one of the reasons why…SHAC blew it was that by the end of their occupation, the emphasis in the media was actually upon them as squatters…the issue became what they claimed to be their right to continue to occupy university buildings”.
Contrary to an assertion made on Facebook by SHAC member Max Kaiser, that SHAC were “media darlings”, their extended retreat in the Faraday Street properties diluted SHAC’s credibility. On the morning of the eviction, a section in the daily notes for ABC News crews read “squatters deadline…May get ugly. Worth having a camera there in case they’re dragged out kicking and screaming.”
For all of their policy work on the co-operative housing model, the efficacy of SHAC’s campaign should be measured by its outcomes, and they’ve left themselves in an unfortunate position. Being publicly and forcefully evicted is unlikely to aid SHAC’s push for co-operative housing a year from now. By making the Faraday Street properties the locus of their campaign, SHAC diverted university resources into the petty legalities of evicting 20 students, rather than the housing crisis at large.
SHAC members countered that SHAC will persist beyond their eviction, continue to raise awareness of the student housing crisis and fight for co-operative living. Though the perennial question mark hovers: if SHAC is a resource for those who suffer under housing stress, whose front door do they knock on?
¹ The University did not wish to provide me with requested copies of the original pilot proposal, but details of the pilot and the correspondence between SHAC and the University can be found on SHAC’s blog: http://shacmelbourne.blogspot.com/2008/12/shac-university-correspondence.html
